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Bound to the Union Instead of the Cotton Belt: How Henry Clay, Abraham Lincoln, and the Hemp Industry Influenced Kentucky to Remain in the United States

Esbeidy Torres Ibarra 

Lone Star College

Torres_Ibarra_Headshot.JPG

Esbeidy Torres Ibarra is a student at the Honors College at Lone Star College-Kingwood. She is a Criminal Justice major intrigued by the intersection between the social sciences and humanities. The current study stemmed from her interest in the historical association between race and the criminalization of marijuana.

Panpsychism: A Beautiful Circumvention

Image by Joanna Kosinska

Abstract 

This study assesses Kentucky’s hemp industry, with an aim to explore if there is a correlation, perhaps even causation, between slave-aided hemp production and Kentucky’s decision to remain in the United States during the Civil War. The research expounds upon the role of Henry Clay, Abraham Lincoln, and the state legislature in establishing hemp's political and economic influence in the region through an analysis of their primary documents. Likewise, the study examines the historiography of the Kentucky hemp industry, specifically the works of Kentucky historians Thomas Clark, James Hopkins, and James Klotter. Based on this analysis, the research challenges Clark's argument that hemp bound Kentucky to the Mississippi economy by arguing that the state severed its allegiance with the South because its economic interests no longer aligned with the Confederacy's political agenda. The Confederacy's responses to Kentucky proved hostile to the region's economy, thus failing to appease the neutral state. By contrast, Lincoln understood the importance of Kentucky to a Union victory, thus protecting the state’s agricultural identity. Ultimately, both the Confederacy’s aggressive economic policies and the invasion of Columbus pushed Kentucky to remain in the Union. Hence, this analysis of the Kentucky hemp industry subsequently encourages future research regarding the impact that an economic identity has on a population’s relationship with the past and the present.

Introduction

On May 20, 1861, Kentucky Governor Beriah Magoffin “solemnly forbid any movement upon the soil of Kentucky or the occupation of any port, post or place. . . until authorized by invitation or permission of the Legislative and Executive authorities of this State.”[1] Contrary to this alleged neutrality, Kentucky supported the Union cause during the American Civil War while at the same time adamantly defending the institution of slavery, arguing that it “is a state matter not to be tampered with by the federal government.”[2] Although Kentucky was the birthplace of Abraham Lincoln, the newly inaugurated president only received 1,365 votes from his home state in the 1860 election, and news of his victory caused serious anxiety for state legislators, 60.1% of which were slaveholders.[3] Interestingly enough, 64.29% of pro-neutrality legislators owned at least one slave and many were also wealthier than the opposition.[4]

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Despite the state’s position on slavery, Kentucky was quite unique from its southern sisters, with enslaved people making up a minority of the population because hemp—which required fewer laborers to care for vast amounts of land—was the primary crop produced in the state.[5] Some historians even argue that “[t]he fundamental reason for the variance in the employment of enslaved people between Kentucky and the Lower South was climate.”[6] Kentucky lacked the tropical climate of the Lower South, so it had to rely on other products, and because hemp thrives under lower temperatures and has shorter growing seasons than cotton, it was the ideal cash crop for the state.[7] Likewise, hemp “did not exhaust the soil, it prevented erosion, needed no cultivation, produced an excellent return per acre, and enjoyed protection from foreign competition under the tariffs that the ‘Prince of Hemp’ [Henry Clay] helped craft.”[8] Due to the state’s highly fertile soil, virtually every county in Kentucky was suited for the industrial or household production of hemp, and the crop was primarily cultivated in or near Lexington.[9]

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Even so, since the colonial period, slavery proved crucial in shaping the region’s social, economic, and political climate, with most support for the institution coming from the South. Even though there were fewer enslaved people in Kentucky when compared to most Southern and border states, James F. Hopkins—whose work is regarded as the standard on hemp in Kentucky—once suggested that “[w]ithout hemp, slavery might not have flourished in Kentucky, since other agricultural products of the state were not conducive to the extensive use of bondsmen.”[10] Moreover, “[h]emp that was manufactured into bagging for cotton bales was probably the most conductive crop for the employment of slave labor and, even then, very few slaves were needed to handle the amount of acreage that was necessary for a profit.”[11] Due to its utilization of enslaved labor, the cultivation of hemp likely influenced arguments over slavery, not to mention the state’s relationship with the South.

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Prior to its criminalization with the passage of the Marijuana Tax Act of 1937, Cannabis sativa L., better known as hemp, was a thriving industry for thousands of years, with the crop being utilized to produce sails, paper, linens, rope, oil, and much more.[12] During the late 1600s, decreasing tobacco prices encouraged the production of hemp throughout the American colonies.[13] In fact, some of the most important objects and documents in early United States history were produced with hemp-derived paper or fibers, such as Thomas Paine’s Common Sense, the first and second drafts of the Declaration of Independence, and the first American flags.[14] Despite being used throughout the country, the hemp market could not compete with the more profitable cotton crop, especially after the invention of the cotton gin, so most industrial hemp production in the United States was concentrated in the Kentucky bluegrass.[15] Even though Kentucky was also home to the production of grain and tobacco, hemp was at the forefront of trade in the years leading up to the Civil War, with Lexington at the center of production and Louisville as the chief distributor.[16] In fact, James C. Klotter—the Kentucky State Historian—declared hemp “the money crop” for the region since before the War of 1812.[17] However, Thomas D. Clark—a renowned professor and historian—took the argument for hemp one step further by arguing that “Kentucky never grew any one crop which was more influential in binding her to the cotton belt than was the cultivation and sale of hemp.”[18] Likewise, the Kentucky hemp industry provided the majority of bale rope and bagging supplies needed for the ever-thriving cotton industry in the South, thus further connecting the border state to the future Confederacy rather than the United States.[19]

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On April 12, 1861, at 4:30 AM, General Pierre Gustave Toutant-Beauregard began the Confederate assault on Fort Sumter, thus initiating the American Civil War.[20] A few days later, the United States placed a blockade on southern ports in response to Confederate secession. Shortly afterward, the Confederacy implemented a self-embargo on cotton, thus reducing the supply of cotton in the South and the need for hemp products.[21] In March 1862, almost one year into the war and a few months after Kentucky ended its declaration of neutrality, President Lincoln proposed to Congress the first draft for a compensated, gradual emancipation program in the United States, something of which many Kentuckians vehemently disapproved.[22] When addressing the border states of the dangers of rejecting his proposal for compensated emancipation, Lincoln claimed that “[i]f the war continues long, as it must if the object be not sooner attained, the institution in your States will be extinguished by mere friction and abrasion—by the mere incidents of the war. It will be gone, and you will have nothing valuable in lieu of it.”[23]

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Looking back at history and Clark's assessments of the significance of hemp, it seemed more likely for the border state to join the Confederacy than remain in the United States, especially after Lincoln’s early emancipation efforts. Despite this, the border state would go on to pledge its loyalty to the Union. Many historians have looked into Kentucky's neutrality, the success of the hemp industry in the state, and the role of slavery in Kentucky separately. However, few scholars, if any, have attempted to find a connection between all three concepts. As a result, this study assesses Kentucky’s hemp industry, with an aim to explore if there is a correlation, perhaps even causation, between slave-aided hemp production and Kentucky’s decision to remain in the United States rather than join the Confederacy during the Civil War. The research expounds upon the role of Henry Clay, Abraham Lincoln, and the state legislature in establishing hemp's political and economic influence in the region through an analysis of their primary documents. Likewise, the study examines the historiography of the Kentucky hemp industry, specifically the works of Kentucky historians Thomas Clark, James Hopkins, and James Klotter. Based on this analysis, the research challenges Clark's argument that hemp bound Kentucky to the Mississippi economy by arguing that the state severed its allegiance with the South because its economic interests no longer aligned with the Confederacy's political agenda.

 

 

Industrial Hemp Production in Lexington, Kentucky

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            Before its admission into the Union in 1792, Kentucky farmers had successfully cultivated hemp, tobacco, rye, flax, and oats on the state’s fertile soil, with many Lexington farmers claiming great wealth shortly after the end of the War of 1812.[1] On average, one acre of farmland produced between five hundred and one thousand pounds of fiber, and farmers often gained a similar yield every year with little to no fertilizer.[2] Throughout the region, enslaved people were crucial to the success of the hemp industry. Unlike many southern states, the enslaved worked in all facets of hemp production, including the cultivation of the crop, the manufacture of bale rope and bagging supplies, and the preparation of the finished products for sale on the market.[3] Overall, the Kentucky hemp industry was a vital player in the Atlantic world, an enterprise that “helped define fundamental international policy positions held by Kentucky’s politicians on questions from whether or not to declare war to the proper role for tariffs and slavery.”[4]

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Moreover, the cultivation of hemp increased thanks to the growing demand for its competitor, namely cotton, since hemp-derived supplies were necessary to ship the more lucrative cotton harvest.[5] However, the plantation system was practically non-existent in the region since farmers rarely, if at all, concentrated all of their efforts on the production of hemp.[6] In the deep South, by contrast, plantations were at the center of social, economic, and political life. By lacking a plantation system, Kentucky did not become a slave society but more a society with slaves, thus establishing a vital difference between the border state and the cotton belt. Even though farmers did not cultivate hemp as extensively as cotton, the crop gained national attention and support from some of the most influential figures of the time, the slaveowner and hemp farmer Henry Clay.

 

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Henry Clay, Hemp, and the Navy

Klotter once highlighted the deeply paradoxical figure that was Henry Clay: “Democrat and aristocrat, agrarian and businessman, War Hawk and peacemaker, sectionalist and nationalist, slaveholder and antislavery advocate, man of principle and man of compromise.”[1] Despite holding the prestigious titles of Speaker of the House of Representatives and Secretary of State under John Quincy Adams, Clay failed to obtain the one office he greatly desired: the presidency. Even though Clay was famous for his political compromises and participation in the alleged Corrupt Bargain of Adams’ winning of the presidency in 1824, the Prince of Hemp gained political traction for his advocacy towards the protection of the Kentucky hemp industry.[2]

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American hemp was quite lucrative, but the crop could not compete with foreign variations of the product, especially Russian hemp.[3] To Clay, the best way to ensure the economic prosperity of the young country was through his American System, a plan aimed at safeguarding domestic markets through protective tariffs and funding the expansion of roads and canals, all of which benefitted the industrial manufacturers and hemp farmers like Clay.[4] To stimulate the domestic demand for Kentucky hemp, Clay experimented with water rotting—a popular hemp farming technique in Russia—and the bagging and rope industry, both of which proved profitable to the politician.[5] Clay was deeply involved in the hemp industry and often received praise for his dedication to everyday laborers, particularly farmers. In a letter from Tucker and Carter—two Kentucky hemp farmers—the men expressed that “[w]e have for many years dealt largely in hemp, and manufactured cordage upon an extensive scale, and we rejoice at the efforts which you [Henry Clay] are making to bring our hemp to a competition with that of foreign growth.”[6] Clay's Unionist sentiments slowly found their way into the state because of his legislative efforts to protect the hemp industry, thus turning the crop into a central aspect of Kentucky's agricultural and economic identity.

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Given the success of his latest experimentation, Clay set his eyes on expanding the U.S. Navy to ensure the regional hemp industry would have a secure market.[7]

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With very little encouragement from government, I believe we shall not want a pound of Russia hemp. The increase of the article in Kentucky has been rapidly great. . . . The amendment proposed possesses the double recommendation of encouraging, at the same time, both the manufacture and growth of hemp; for by increasing the demand for the wrought article, you also increase the demand for the raw material, and consequently present new incentives to its cultivator.[8]

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The navy depended on domestic suppliers to ensure it would have a steady stream of materials during times of war, so Kentucky farmers were the ideal source of hemp for the armed forces.[9] Even though the navy had limited demands for hemp, the government was willing to pay high prices for the best hemp fibers.[10] Clay himself benefited from this relationship with the navy, with his hemp purchased at “the price of best Russia hemp.”[11] As the demand for domestic products increased, Lexington became the navy’s primary supplier of hemp-derived sailcloth.[12] As the young representative for Illinois, Abraham Lincoln endorsed the purchase of hemp by the navy, attempting “to take up the joint resolution from the Senate relative to contracts for the purchase of hemp for the use of the navy, for the purpose of referring it to the Committee on Naval Affairs.”[13] Meanwhile, as the hemp industry grew in prominence, slave labor became increasingly valuable. Clay once proclaimed that “[w]here slaves are used, the capital is chiefly in slaves and hemp.”[14] Ultimately, Kentucky would defend its right to enslave people, something that would push the state away from the Union by the end of the Civil War. 

 

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Enslaved Labor in Kentucky

In 1775, the first enslaved persons arrived in Kentucky. Despite having little use for slavery, the Ohio River differentiated the border state from the free North, thus geographically binding the region more to the South. Some went as far as to claim that the Ohio River “provided an arbitrary and immovable line toward which slavery seemed destined to expand.”[1] Given the state’s proximity to the South, it seemed little could prevent Kentucky from adopting Confederate sentiments in the years leading up to the war. Slavery was not a primary concern for leaders in the hemp state during its early days, but the rising calls from abolitionists for immediate emancipation in the 1830s quickly consumed the local political theatre.[2] On February 4, 1833, the non-importation law criminalized the importation and sale of enslaved people into the border state in an effort to reduce the slave trade within the region.[3] Given the increasing popularity of the pro-slavery movement within Kentucky, the non-importation act met its end in 1849.[4] Soon after, Lexington became the home of the local slave trade, with the enslaved chained together as they painfully marched in and out of the city.[5] As a result, the slave trade allowed for a closely-knit relationship between Kentucky and the cotton kingdom of the South.[6] However, the value of slavery in Kentucky differed from that in the Confederacy because it did not relate to upholding a social hierarchy. Instead, enslaved labor originated from a need to sustain the hemp industry, a crop central to the region's agricultural identity. As the outbreak of the Civil War grew near in 1861, Kentucky declared a desire for the success of the Union while continuously refusing to abandon its peculiar institution: “Paradoxically, however, Kentuckians' love for the Union increased in relation to their hatred for radical abolitionism, which to them was undermining the Union.”[7]

 

 

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Abraham Lincoln and the Death of Henry Clay

On June 29, 1852, just nine years before the outbreak of the Civil War, the Honorable Henry Clay died. Having looked up to the Prince of Hemp for his entire life, Abraham Lincoln delivered a heartfelt eulogy for his beloved hero on July 6, 1852, in Springfield, Illinois. At the time of Lincoln’s address, the United States was already deeply divided, so Lincoln used Clay’s legacy to comment on the political climate of the time: “As on a question of liberty, he knew no North, no South, no East, no West, but only the Union, which held them all in its sacred circle, so now his countrymen will know no grief, that is not as wide-spread as the bounds of the confederacy.”[1] Given that Clay was a Unionist at heart, it was fortunate that he did not live long enough to witness the violent conflict that would divide the country. In his eulogy, Lincoln attempted to convey Clay’s—and his own—love for the Union to his audience. Long before he was the Chief Executive of the United States, Lincoln cherished his country and refused to see it fall apart. Even though Clay failed to obtain the presidency, he gained the support of a future president, and his ideals made their way to the White House through Lincoln. Because Clay was a beloved figure in his home state of Kentucky, Lincoln’s eulogy may have reminded the region later during the war of how much the Prince of Hemp loved the Union and how much they should continue to do so, as well.

Despite his attachment to the Union, Clay was a hemp farmer and a slaveholder. As a plantation owner himself, Clay knew immediate emancipation would destroy the Union, and Lincoln highlights these sentiments in the following section:

The very earliest, and one of the latest public efforts of his life, separated by a period of more than fifty years, were both made in favor of gradual emancipation of the slaves in Kentucky. He did not perceive, that on a question of human right, the negroes were to be excepted [sic] from the human race. And yet Mr. Clay was the owner of slaves. Cast into life where slavery was already widely spread and deeply seated, he did not perceive, as I think no wise man has perceived, how it could be at once eradicated, without producing a greater evil, even to the cause of human liberty itself.[2]

Even though Henry Clay was a slaveholder, he believed slavery would eventually end, a perspective Lincoln later adopted. In his life, “Clay envisioned a ‘Kentucky System’—gradual emancipation, a corresponding increase in white labor, and growth of industry as a result.”[3] Even though hemp farmers praised Clay’s protective tariffs, they were not content with his calls for emancipation, with many suggesting “Clay should not ‘agitate the question at all;’ he should ‘leave the public mind free and undisturbed.’”[4] Without enslaved labor, hemp farmers would fail to keep up with the demand for their products. Since Clay and Lincoln were proponents of gradual emancipation, neutrality may have appeared as the only logical choice for the border state. Unable to predict the gruesome war to come, Lincoln ended his eulogy with a call to the heavens, asking the divine to have mercy on the troubled nation and keep it safe from further tribulations: “Let us strive to deserve, as far as mortals may, the continued care of Divine Providence, trusting that, in future national emergencies, He will not fail to provide us the instruments of safety and security.”[5]

 

 

[1] Abraham Lincoln, “Eulogy on Henry Clay,” Abraham Lincoln Online (1852), https://www.abrahamlincolnonline.org/lincoln/speeches/clay.htm.

 

[2] Ibid.

 

[3] Mathias, “Slavery, the Solvent of Kentucky Politics,” 12.

 

[4] Ibid.

 

[5] Abraham Lincoln, “Eulogy on Henry Clay.”

Conclusion

References

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